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Hasan Hanafi >
Life Reflecting the Times

Hasan Hanafi wrote an autobiographical account that provides a clear introduction both to his life and to his self-perception of personal mission. In this autobiography, his life is marked by a series of developments in consciousness. Each of these periods in his life coincides with a major era in contemporary Egyptian history. Despite his global consciousness, Hanafi's autobiographical self-definition remains closely tied to his Egyptian roots. Similarly, this autobiography indirectly mentions his family and its life in Egypt, but the primary arena for activity in this account is Hanafi's participation in national life, not the life of his family. This does not reflect indifference to family, since both in his childhood and as a married adult, family plays an important part in Hanafi's life. Instead this affirms Hanafi's sense of mission within the context of Egypt, the Islamic community, and the world, along with the autonomy of his personal life with his family.

The first consciousness identified by Hanafi was the development of a “national consciousness” when he was in elementary school. The childhood experience of World War II, which involved leaving Cairo to escape from the German bombing raids, created a consciousness of Egypt as a homeland under attack—but the enemy was not the Germans. Rather, the British, whose army had occupied Egypt since 1882, were seen as the real enemy. In the years following the war, Egyptian students at all levels were an important element in the growing nationalist demonstrations. For Hanafi, the “true beginning of national consciousness” came in 1948 with the creation of Israel and the outbreak of the war in Palestine.7 Al-din, 6:212. As a secondary school student, Hanafi volunteered to work in the struggle against Zionism and discovered both the excitement of the cause and the dangers of divisions among Arabs and Muslims. It was only later that he recognized that, at that time, the idealistic students did not comprehend “the extent of the betrayal of the national cause” or that it was “we [the Egyptians] who were destroyed in Palestine.”8 Ibid., 6:212. Although Hanafi's analysis of the nature of the Palestine conflict changed and developed, the Palestinian cause remained central to his thinking and his view of world affairs.

In the immediate conditions of Egypt in the early 1950s, Hanafi's schoolboy nationalism developed a more Islamic tone. As the country moved toward the coup that brought young military officers to power in 1952, Hanafi joined the Muslim Brotherhood and entered what he called the “beginning of religious consciousness.”9 Ibid., 6:217. He was specially active as a Muslim Brother while he was an undergraduate in the University of Cairo. He took part in demonstrations before the 1952 revolution and was active in student politics in the early days of the new revolutionary era. He was particularly opposed to the Communists, whom he “considered to be corrupted, deviants from the right path, alienated and foreign, possessing inclinations that were far from the truth, and immoral.”10 Ibid., 6:219. When Muhammad Naguib came to address the students at the University, Hanafi felt moved by the sense of affirmation of Islamic unity and offended by the Communist students who shouted “Constitution! Constitution!” His feeling was that they “were outside of the trends of the Ummah. What could Constitution mean when compared with Islamic unity?”11 Ibid., 6:219.

Hanafi's thought and vision of what was needed gained a clear Islamic dimension in these years. His political positions reflected those of the Muslim Brotherhood. He took part in demonstrations opposing the 1954 agreement with Great Britain governing evacuation of British troops, which permitted their return in times of war. However, following the nationalization of the Suez Canal in 1956, he felt able to support the government as a leader among liberation movements. The suppression of the Brotherhood by Nasser's government in the mid-1950s created difficulties. Hanafi reports that his “activities were restricted to collecting contributions for the families” of Brothers in prison and that he “was not part of any of the secret activities, since that was contrary to my nature.”12 Ibid., 6:221.

Even before the suppression of the Brotherhood, Hanafi had not fit the mold of most of the activists within the organization.13 For the discussion of these activities, see Ibid., 6:218–20. He remembers that the first time he participated in discussions following a lecture was when he recommended that if the Brotherhood was to be active as a group in the modern world, it might change the organization's logo symbol from a book and two swords to a book and two cannons. He also was a musician and enjoyed classical Western music and playing the violin. This caused much discussion and sometimes debate with his fellow Brothers, who thought that music might be a diversion from a proper life of prayer and piety. As a university student, Hanafi saw nothing wrong with carrying on conversations in public with female students, and he did not advocate separation of men and women in the classrooms.

In intellectual development, however, Hanafi's experience in the Brotherhood was of great importance. It was through the Brotherhood that he became familiar with the major writers of the contemporary movements within Islam. He found the writings of Brotherhood leaders like Hasan al-Banna, Sayyid Qutb, and Muhammad al-Ghazali and other writers, like Abu al-Ala al-Mawdudi and Abd al-Hasan al-Nadwi, inspiring. Reading them he had a strong sense of the renaissance of Islam and of his own mission. However, as a student in the philosophy classes of the University, he found the method of teaching and the content to be out of touch with the reality which he was living outside of the classroom. He tried to present his own interpretations of major topics in medieval Islamic philosophy and mysticism and soon came into conflict with his professors. By his fourth and final year, he says: “My personal view began to dominate the pages of all my answers from A to Z.” In this he was beginning to work for the establishment of “a general Islamic method based on the rationality of good and bad, and the unification of truth, goodness, and beauty.”14 Ibid., 6:223–24. This project of creating a complete and general Islamic method has become the core of Hanafi's life mission.

His completion of university studies was a time of personal crisis that coincided with the Egyptian national crisis of 1956. His conflicts with professors reached a point where he was brought before a disciplinary board for showing disrespect for the dean. He lost his status as an honors student, which meant that he would not be eligible for a place in an educational mission to France. He resolved to go to France to continue his studies regardless of the conditions. The crisis of intellectual life in Egyptian universities, the persecution of the Muslim Brotherhood, and the intellectual crisis of Islamic studies combined, in his view, with his own personal crisis. At this point, he says, he went regularly to the mosque to recite the Quran, and “for the first time I felt its philosophical intuitions, the importance of the world of consciousness and the senses, and the necessity for continuing the struggle.”15 Ibid., 6:226. He concentrated on the project of Islamic renewal. “There was no time left for music or playing the violin. The contemporary Islamic idea began to sing in my ear like a melody, but the musical melody was empty without any intellectual meaning. It was not possible to remain in Egypt: what would I learn?”16 Ibid., 6:226. It was under these conditions that he was the last student to leave Egypt for France before the outbreak of the 1956 Suez War, when France joined Israel and Great Britain in attacking Egypt.

In France Hanafi found the beginning of his philosophical consciousness in the last years of the 1950s. By 1960 Paris had become one the major centers of contemporary philosophical thought in the world. Many of the trends of thought that would come to prominence by the early 1970s were being formulated at the time of Hanafi's arrival. He quickly involved himself in the debates, many of which reflected his own special concerns for method. However, he tended to recapitulate the process of the development of modern continental European philosophy in his path to the definition of his own new method. His starting point was German idealism, especially as reflected in his readings of the works of Fichte. He soon immersed himself in reading and contemplating the history of Western philosophy, beginning with Plato and Aristotle. He reports having “a special admiration for great negators like Spinoza and Kierkegaard.”17 Ibid., 6:238. His study and his personal experiences as a poor foreign student with the danger of serious health problems combined to create a transformation of his philosophical perspective. (For example, he spent the summer of 1959 in the university hospital when he was suspected of suffering from tuberculosis and malnutrition, and that was where he read Plato and Aristotle.) He left his idealism for an existence-oriented realism.

Hanafi describes this transition: “the two moments of European consciousness: the cogito of the rationalist and the Ego of the existentialists during four centuries were represented in my life during eight years, rationalist idealism in 1956–1960, life reality and existence in 1961–1966. I kept the optimism of Idealism and I left the pessimism of existentialism. I kept Reason and its role in Idealism and I abandoned the irrational in Existentialism.”18 Ibid., 6:241. In this transition, Hanafi's general project of creating a whole new Islamic methodology and theology continued, but the approach changed.

Hanafi's initial research proposal for the doctorate, entitled “The General Islamic Method,” expressed his intention to formulate Islam as a general and comprehensive method for individual and social life. However, he had difficulty convincing the faculty to accept this proposal. The Orientalists thought that the project was much too broad and recommended that he study some specific individual or movement, while the Western philosophers urged him to study Kant as the appropriate starting point. He reports: “The problem was as follows: the Orientalists read me and said: this is Western philosophy and we are historians; the philosophers read me and said, This is Islam and we are Western philosophers. I was in need of an Orientalist-philosopher or a philosopher Orientalist of the type of Renan.”19 Ibid., 6:229.

One scholar who was in L'Ecole des Hautes Etudes and was such a person was Henri Corbin, but Corbin was concentrating on Shi'i studies at the time. Hanafi had discussions with him but wanted to work on the Sunni Muslim experience rather than Shl'ism. Another major Orientalist scholar of the day, Louis Massignon, helped Hanafi define the specific starting point for his work, which was to be the study of usul al-fiqh, the fundamental methods of legal thought. Hanafi worked to create a new methodology that would enable Muslims to choose new fundamental axes on which to build the Islamic consciousness of renaissance.

The scholar Hanafai describes as “my master,” responsible for “all my philosophical formation,” is Jean Guitton, a professor of philosophy in the Sorbonne and a leading Roman Catholic modernist.20 Ibid., 6:235. Guitton served as Hanafi's guide through much of his reading and study of Western philosophy He also provided guidance for Hanafi in practical matters like how to give public lectures and methods of research. Guitton had been to Egypt in the 1930s and had at least some familiarity with the Egyptian intellectual scene. Guitton's ecumenical perspectives and methods helped to develop Hanafi's understanding of approaches for the reconciliation of different positions. Hanafi describes himself as building on Guitton's foundations and then going beyond them. He describes this as developing Guitton “from individual consciousness to social consciousness, from Right to Left, from religion to revolution. I used Biblical criticism negatively and he used it positively to preserve the articles of faith. I lay the grounds for Liberation Theology, while he fears that people might switch to Marxism and violence, and that alien elements might infiltrate authentic faith.”21 Ibid., 6:236–37.

In developing his scholarship Hanafi started with the basic methods of sociolegal thought in Islam, utilizing a perspective that combined the Islamic perspectives of tawil (esoteric interpretation) and tafsir (Quranic exegesis) with contemporary approaches of philosophical analysis. The result was his extended essay “The Methods of Exegesis: Essay on the Science of the Fundamentals of Understanding in the Discipline of Usul al-Fiqh.”22 Hasan Hanafi, Les Methodes d'Exegese, Essai sur la Science des Fondement de la Comprehension 'Ilm Usual al-Fiqh (Cairo: Imprimeries Nationale, 1965). Hanafi described this work as an attempt to “reconstruct Islamic culture at the level of consciousness in order to discover subjectivity. Instead of being theocentric, it becomes anthropocentric. [It] provides the method for analyzing living experiences and describing the processes of linguistic pseudo-morphology.”23 Al-din, 6:231. “The processes of linguistic pseudo-morphology” is Hanafi's translation of the phrase “amaliyyat al-tashakkil al-lughawi.”

Hanafi also had to choose a topic for the complementary dissertation. He decided to provide a study of the development of European philosophical consciousness “through a non-European consciousness in order to see it from a distance with a neutral and objective consciousness. The purpose was to declare the end of the European consciousness and the beginning of the Third World consciousness as represented through the cultures of non-European peoples.”24 Ibid., 6:232. Hanafi concentrated on the development of European understanding of religion, especially the emergence and significance of phenomenology. The result was a study entitled “The Exegesis of Phenomenology, the State of the Art of the Phenomenological Method and Its Application to the Phenomenon of Religion.”25 Hasan Hanafi, L'Exegese de la Phenomenologie, l'Etat actuel de la Methode Phenomenologique et son application au phenomene religieux (Cairo: Dar al-Fikr al-Arabi, 1977).

Hanafi's intellectual projects of the early 1960s were rounded out by a third study, in which he provided a specific case of applying the methodology he was developing. This involved a synthesis of the phenomenological approach with the method of exegetical interpretation of text. He chose the New Testament as a basis for applying his developing theory of three types of consciousness: historical consciousness, speculative consciousness, and active consciousness. He completed this work as the book The Phenomenology of Exegesis: An Essay in the Existential Hermeneutic of the New Testament.26 Hasan Hanafi, La Phenomenologie de l'Exegese, Essai d'une Hermeneutique Existentielle a partir du Nouveau Testamnent (Cairo: Dar al-Fikr al-Arabi, 1977). This work on Christian texts reflects Hanafi's interest in gaining a full understanding of the European cultural traditions. He traveled as much as possible on a student's budget.

Guitton arranged for Hanafi to attend the fourth session of the Vatican II Ecumenical Council in Rome in 1964. He participated in discussions, and Guitton introduced Hanafi to Pope Paul VI. Hanafi viewed his experiences in Rome as the beginning of his departure from “the West” and his return to Egypt and the East. Similarly, at this time in Paris during his dissertation defense, he began his critique of the West and aroused the ire of the chair of his academic jury. However, he also prepared for his return by beginning an active criticism of the developing Arab socialist regime in Egypt. During a visit to Paris by a major figure in the Egyptian government, field marshall Abd al-Hakim Amer, Hanafi openly asked challenging questions. One result was the organization of delegations of Egyptians studying in Europe to return to Egypt in order to see the realities of the new revolutionary government. Hanafi was a part of the student effort to prepare statements and studies for the delegation before it left.

Hanafi himself returned to Cairo in 1966 and began his career as a teacher at the University of Cairo. He began work on his long-term project, “Tradition and Modernity” His goal in this project was to rejuvenate the Islamic tradition and reconstruct its intellectual sciences, as Husserl had done for European philosophy.27 Al-din, 6:250. He also taught a course on Western thought and Christian philosophy at the university. The lack of appropriate texts led him to prepare an anthology of medieval Christian thought that provided examples of many different types of thought. This became a part of his broader intellectual effort “to get rid of unilateralism in religious thought.”28 Ibid., 6:250.

These general activities were interrupted by the trauma of the Six Day War of 1967. Hanafi reports that “the defeat of 1967 fell on me like a thunderstorm. I saw everything collapsing and the dream aborted. The house was burning and it was inconceivable that I would not work to extinguish the fire. How could one prepare for the future while we were without a present?”29 Ibid., 6:252. The “Tradition and Modernity” project was stopped, and the more broadly methodological work was suspended. Hanafi began a career as a more visible public intellectual in addition to his work in the university faculty. The period 1967–1971 became the time of the “beginning of political consciousness” for Hanafi.

Hanafi devoted much of his time and energy to writing for two periodicals, al-Fikr al-Mu'asir and al-Katib. In the essays he wrote regularly for these magazines and his other activities, Hanafi became an important voice in the public debates about the defeat. Hanafi says, “I became more conscious about my responsibility for the daily battle and direct struggle in order to analyze the cause of the defeat and to strengthen the spirit of resistance.”30 Ibid., 6:252. In these activities, Hanafi provides a good example of the functioning of a “public intellectual.” He was not part of any political party or defined grouping. Hanafi describes his political consciousness of the time as being “a purely philosophical political consciousness based on the analysis of living experiences and the description of their essences.”31 Ibid., 6:255. Although his activities were not part of an organized movement, his positions were identified as oppositional and attracted the attention of the security forces. His lectures were taped and on record with the police. In 1971 the rector of the university spoke with Hanafi and recommended that he should stop lecturing and accept an invitation to be a visiting professor in the United States. The nonactivist but critical intellectual had become a political activist in the classic mode of involvement of intellectuals in the political arena. This period in his life ended when Hanafi took the advice of the rector and left for the United States, where he became a visiting professor at Temple University in Philadelphia.

The demands of regularly writing essays for the journals was intellectually challenging for Hanafi. By 1971 he found that he was repeating himself, “expressing outside more than absorbing inside, writing more than reading.”32 Ibid., 6:255. His political problems helped to reinforce the sense that it was time for him to begin a new phase of his work. Hanafi's move to the United States coincides with, and may have made possible, a significant effort to articulate Islam as a revolutionary religion.

During the 1970s and 1980s, Hasan Hanafi emerged as an internationally visible Muslim public intellectual. While maintaining his ties with Cairo University, for most of this period he held visiting professorships at institutions around the world. With increasing frequency, he was a participant in international conferences and invited to give addresses for a wide spectrum of Muslim and non-Muslim audiences.

Before leaving for the United States, Hanafi had already been a visiting lecturer for a short time in 1970 in Louvain University in Belgium, where he had close contact with the developing ideas of Catholic liberation theology. He was especially interested in the works of Camillo Torres, whose picture was posted on university walls by Louvain students.33 Ibid., 6:256–57. He returned to Cairo with the complete works of Torres and wrote a study of Torres's ideas, concentrating on the ideas of revolution as a religious imperative.34 Hasan Hanafi, “Kamilo Turiz, al-qadis al-thal'r,” in Qadaya mu'asirah, vol. 1, Fi fikrna al-mu'asir (Beirut: Dar al-Tanwir, 1983), pp. 297–334. This was an important beginning in his efforts to introduce Christian liberation theology to Muslims, as well as to provide a part of the broader conceptual basis for his own efforts to articulate a revolutionary religion in Islamic terms. He thought that the universal issues went beyond national and religious boundaries: “The tragedy of unquestioning acceptance in developing societies is the same regardless of religious identity, while the populist religion is that which unifies all of the religions.”35 Al-din, 6:258. An interesting dimension of this ecumenical vision was Hanafi's hope that he could publish an essay on liberation theology that could be “a gift to our brothers, the Copts of Egypt, so that I could share with them knowledge of the latest developments in Christian theology.”36 Ibid.

During his years in the United States, especially 1971–1975, Hanafi expanded the dimensions of his intellectual venture. In France he had concentrated on philosophy, but in the 1970s he worked to develop his understanding of the social sciences, giving special attention to the sociology of religion. He was active in presenting papers at meetings of American scholarly associations. These papers reflect the broad range of Hanafi's interests and the many different topics and perspectives he was attempting to bring together into his broad project of defining the relationship between tradition and modernism or heritage and modernity. He continued his interest in methodology with studies like “Hermeneutics as Axiomatics” and in analyses of Western thinkers like Joachim of Fiore, and he worked explicitly to define an Islamic model of religion and revolution.37 These papers from the 1970s were published in Hassan Hanafi, Religious Dialogue and Revolution: Essays on Judaism, Christianity and Islam (Cairo: Anglo-Egyptian Bookshop, 1977).

Anew dimension of Hanafi's work was a more formal study of Judaism, especially Zionism. These studies continued his involvements from the days of his earliest nationalist awareness. However, he placed them in the context of his articulation of liberation theology. He argued that this subject was “not far away from liberation theology since Zionism is a counterliberation theology.”38 Al-din, 6:258. For his full argument, see Religious Dialogue, pp. 182–97. On the basis of this line of analysis, Hanafi opposed the negotiation of a peace treaty between Egypt and Israel in 1978–1979. He became more actively a part of the opposition to Sadat's policies. Although he did not condone the murder of Sadat in 1981, he made an important effort to ensure that the general public understood the arguments that were presented by his murderers when they were placed on trial.39 Hanafi published a series of essays that are collected in al-din wa al-thawrah fi masr, 1952–1981, vol. 6, al-usuliyyah al-islamiyyah (Cairo: Maktabah Madbuli, 1989), pp. 94–188.

Hanafi also continued his efforts to analyze and interpret Western society and intellectual traditions. Although he had ignored ‘Anglo-Saxon,’ that is, English and American, philosophy previously, he made some effort to study it while he was in the United States. However, his major effort was more in the direction of analysis of society and values. He saw a need to present the aspects of American society that tended to be unknown to Muslims in the Middle East: poverty, crime, corruption, racism, and violence. He later said that if he had not been so involved in working on his major project of articulating a revolutionary Islam, he would have completed a book entitled “America: Truth and Mask,” so that “everyone who wants to immigrate to America would know where he is going and in order to return our national allegiance to ourselves rather than having it directed toward the Other.”40 Al-din, 6:261.

By the 1980s, his position as a Muslim public intellectual with high international visibility provided many opportunities for Hanafi to present his ideas. As an international intellectual, after his work in the United States, he taught in universities in Kuwait (1979), Morocco (1982–1984), Japan (1984–1985), and the United Arab Emirates (1985). He returned to Japan as an academic consultant at United Nations University in Tokyo in 1985–1987.

A flood of publications, ranging from single articles to multivolume works, began to create a more comprehensive presentation of his views. In this, his life project remained remarkably consistent. He worked to provide both a comprehensive methodology and a broadly inclusive content for a new synthesis of the Islamic heritage and modernity.

In the 1990s, however, he published a major new work that was both within the framework of this project and an important expansion of its boundaries. He had long been interested in the challenge of what he came to call “Occidentalism.” This was to be the Muslim response to “Orientalism,” the old-style of Western scholarship which studied Islam and Muslim societies. Occidentalism was not to be an apologetic defense of Islam against attack by prejudiced Western scholers; it was to be an informed analysis of the West by Muslim scholars. In a substantial book, he presented the foundations for the ways Western philosophy and epistemology could be examined.41 Hasan Hanafi, Muqaddimah fi 'ilm al-istighrab (Cairo: Daral-Fanniyyah, 1991). The key to his approach is his viewing the Western mode of modernity as one of a number of possible alternatives rather than accepting the Western ethnocentric assumption of its universality.

During the 1990s, Hanafi spent much of his time in Cairo, with visits and lecture tours all over the world. He continues to be an independent intellectual rather than part of a more structured political or ideological movement. Although he has a reputation as an advocate for Islamic positions, his radical views mean that he is not a part of the Islamist political groupings or the more extreme militant underground. At the same time, his radicalism is not in accord with more secularist intellectuals who mistrust his Islamic orientation.

This precarious position made Hanafi vulnerable to attack by the more instransigent Islamic forces. In 1997 he was attacked by an ultraconservative group al-Azhar Scholars' Front, for, in their opinion, contradicting the teachings of the Quran and questioning the views of the Prophet Muhammad. The Front demanded his removal from the faculty of Cairo University, and their actions raised concerns about Hanafi's safety. Farag Fouda, an Egyptian intellectual who had been subjected to similar attacks, was murdered in 1992.42 See, for example, the discussion of this incident in aljadid 3, 18 (May 1997): 3. Although Hanafi received significant support from government officials and others, the attack continued to be a matter of concern and debate in Egypt143 See, for example, the discussion in Wa'il al-Ibrashi, “Khittah Dhabh Hasan Hanafi,” Ruz al-yusuf, 22 December 1997, pp. 22–25. In this sense, his experience had come full circle. At the beginning of his life as an intellectual, he was an activist in the Islamic movement that challenged the more secular political authorities and the Communist opposition. By the late 1990s, he was an intellectual attacked by Islamists in the conservative establishment of al-Azhar University, and he received at least some support from other, more secularist intellectuals who had also been subject to attack, as well as receiving some protection from a relatively Islamically oriented state. This precarious balancing reflects the difficulties of maintaining the position Hanafi represents: bringing together Islamic and leftist traditions of reform and revolution and doing this within the mainstream rather than at the violent fringes of political society.


7. Al-din, 6:212.

8. Ibid., 6:212.

9. Ibid., 6:217.

10. Ibid., 6:219.

11. Ibid., 6:219.

12. Ibid., 6:221.

13. For the discussion of these activities, see Ibid., 6:218–20.

14. Ibid., 6:223–24.

15. Ibid., 6:226.

16. Ibid., 6:226.

17. Ibid., 6:238.

18. Ibid., 6:241.

19. Ibid., 6:229.

20. Ibid., 6:235.

21. Ibid., 6:236–37.

22. Hasan Hanafi, Les Methodes d'Exegese, Essai sur la Science des Fondement de la Comprehension 'Ilm Usual al-Fiqh (Cairo: Imprimeries Nationale, 1965).

23. Al-din, 6:231. “The processes of linguistic pseudo-morphology” is Hanafi's translation of the phrase “amaliyyat al-tashakkil al-lughawi.”

24. Ibid., 6:232.

25. Hasan Hanafi, L'Exegese de la Phenomenologie, l'Etat actuel de la Methode Phenomenologique et son application au phenomene religieux (Cairo: Dar al-Fikr al-Arabi, 1977).

26. Hasan Hanafi, La Phenomenologie de l'Exegese, Essai d'une Hermeneutique Existentielle a partir du Nouveau Testamnent (Cairo: Dar al-Fikr al-Arabi, 1977).

27. Al-din, 6:250.

28. Ibid., 6:250.

29. Ibid., 6:252.

30. Ibid., 6:252.

31. Ibid., 6:255.

32. Ibid., 6:255.

33. Ibid., 6:256–57.

34. Hasan Hanafi, “Kamilo Turiz, al-qadis al-thal'r,” in Qadaya mu'asirah, vol. 1, Fi fikrna al-mu'asir (Beirut: Dar al-Tanwir, 1983), pp. 297–334.

35. Al-din, 6:258.

36. Ibid.

37. These papers from the 1970s were published in Hassan Hanafi, Religious Dialogue and Revolution: Essays on Judaism, Christianity and Islam (Cairo: Anglo-Egyptian Bookshop, 1977).

38. Al-din, 6:258. For his full argument, see Religious Dialogue, pp. 182–97.

39. Hanafi published a series of essays that are collected in al-din wa al-thawrah fi masr, 1952–1981, vol. 6, al-usuliyyah al-islamiyyah (Cairo: Maktabah Madbuli, 1989), pp. 94–188.

40. Al-din, 6:261.

41. Hasan Hanafi, Muqaddimah fi 'ilm al-istighrab (Cairo: Daral-Fanniyyah, 1991).

42. See, for example, the discussion of this incident in aljadid 3, 18 (May 1997): 3.

43. See, for example, the discussion in Wa'il al-Ibrashi, “Khittah Dhabh Hasan Hanafi,” Ruz al-yusuf, 22 December 1997, pp. 22–25.

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